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Lo que diga el prevaricador. Claro que sí, guapi. Ejjque esto es p'a vel-lo
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No me sirven frases aisladas. Y sí que puedes ponerlo, siempre que cites la fuente, lo demás, excusas de mal manipulador
Pareces una iletrada burlandose de personas detenidas y acusadas de ser republicanas.
¿Por favor? JAJAJAJ. Ajústate la rebequita y sujétate bien los rulos. En negrita, lo que dicen de tu país en el FT. De nada.Este artículo no es accesible desde este link. ¿Puedes poner otro link que funcione?
Torrent acusa al Estado de “autoritario” y defiende a los CDR: “Son pacíficos y democráticos” https://t.co/DFxxYB2Lwl
Lo que diga el prevaricador. Claro que sí, guapi. Ejjque esto es p'a vel-lo
Llevaba el judgado fatal con un tremendo retrasoLo que diga el prevaricador. Claro que sí, guapi. Ejjque esto es p'a vel-lo
Fede es cojo y Llarena mentiroso. El tuit está abierto a MUCHAS interpretaciones, LOL. El día que los jueces desestimaron rebelión, Boye empezó tuiteando "hoy va a ser un gran día", así que yo estaría atenta a los media/redes, porque en cualquier momento puede saltar la liebre.
Igual se refiere a que el TC ha admitido a trámite la querella de Forcadell y Simó contra Llarena, chi lo sà
http://www.eleconomista.es/legislac...ompetencia-de-Llarena-para-investigarlas.html
El TC admite a trámite el recurso de Forcadell y Simó que cuestiona la competencia de Llarena para investigarlas
Ya, por eso le decía a Ondina que Boye se estaba refiriendo a otra cosa en su tuitEl TC no admite querellas, es un recurso de amparo. Y sólo la ha admitido a trámite, obligado de oficio si cumple con los requisitos formales, sin prejuzgar el fondo del asunto.
Austria Italia vaya no estamos solos¿Por favor? JAJAJAJ. Ajústate la rebequita y sujétate bien los rulos. En negrita, lo que dicen de tu país en el FT. De nada.
Authoritarians on the rotten fringes imperil European values
Viktor Orban’s victory in Hungary is the latest threat to the EU’s rule of law
https://www.ft.com/content/84b9a32e-3bd9-11e8-b9f9-de94fa33a81e
In an era when autocracy and corruption are on the march, the EU proudly proclaims that it stands for democracy and the rule of law. But while most of the bloc’s 28 members can still make that boast without blushing, an anti-democratic rot has set in on its fringes. If it is not treated, the rot will spread to the centre — and could eventually destroy the EU’s claim to be a community of values. The most obvious danger comes from Hungary. Viktor Orban has just regained power after a big election victory. But the Hungarian prime minister has already undermined other institutions fundamental to a free society — such as independent courts, a free press and non-governmental organisations that hold the government to account. Hungary is not the only problem. The government of Poland is being investigated by the European Commission for undermining the rule of law. In Slovakia and Malta, investigative journalists looking into corruption at the highest levels of government have recently been assassinated. In neither case has the murder been solved — although Robert Fico, the Slovakian prime minister, resigned. Meanwhile in the neighbouring Czech Republic, the prime minister is Andrej Babis, a billionaire and owner of two of the country’s largest newspapers — he is also under investigation for alleged fraud. Senior EU officials acknowledge that Bulgaria, which currently holds the rotating EU presidency, has a pervasive problem with organised crime. The Romanian government has clashed with Brussels over corruption. Many of these problems are festering in relatively small countries that do not feature regularly in the international headlines. Their governments know how to play the European game by mouthing the expected pieties. Mr Orban is slightly different because he seems to relish playing the role of authoritarian bad guy. The Hungarian leader’s vociferous opposition to Muslim migrants has also gained him an international profile and a fan club on the populist right. But the fundamental reason that Mr Orban is a threat to the EU does not lie in his hostility to refugees, or even in his violent rhetoric. It is the way in which his government is seeking to control the media, universities, courts and NGOs. At an EU summit in 2015, Mr Orban was greeted by Jean-Claude Juncker, the European Commission president, with a cheery “Hello, dictator”. But having an authoritarian leader around the EU table is no laughing matter. It has an immediate and damaging effect on the EU’s efforts to protect its values and enforce its rules. So EU efforts to censure Poland for violating the rule of law are likely to fail because Hungary will protect Poland and vice versa. Proposals to tie lucrative EU budget payments to respect for the rule of law are also likely to be shot down. An authoritarian bloc is forming within the ranks of a self-proclaimed club of democracies. Some EU politicians have sounded the alarm about events in Hungary. But others are complicit. Mr Orban’s Fidesz party has maintained its membership of the European People’s Party, the dominant grouping in the European Parliament — and that provides Hungary with valuable political support. Talk to Manfred Weber, the head of the EPP and president of the parliament, and he will smilingly tell you that “Viktor” has not yet crossed any red lines. That is a position that is hard to reconcile with the Council of Europe’s recent condemnation of Hungary’s “far-reaching restrictions on freedom of association in contravention of international human rights standards”. Some in western Europe now quietly lament the decision to vastly expand the membership of the EU, by admitting members of the former Soviet bloc. But it is complacent to believe that the older member states are in perfect political health. In Spain, more than 20 Catalan politicians could face long prison sentences for “rebellion”. The Spanish government insists that its courts are enforcing the rule of law — since the Catalan separatists have violated the Spanish constitution. But something has surely gone wrong in any democratic country that finds itself imprisoning non-violent, elected politicians.In Austria, the far-right Freedom Party is part of a coalition government, and has been accused of conducting a purge of a government agency. In Italy, the far-right League party is likely to join the government. Its leader, Matteo Salvini, is a vociferous admirer of both Mr Orban and Vladimir Putin — which raises the question of whether he will share their approach to the courts and the media. Of course, anybody making these observations from Britain (as I am), is vulnerable to charges of bad faith. So, to be clear, I do not think that the threats to democracy and the rule of law within the EU make the case for Brexit. Leaving the EU’s single market and customs union remains an act of epic self-harm by the UK. More important, the destruction of the EU would not improve prospects for democracy across Europe. On the contrary, it would remove many of the remaining restraints on instinctive authoritarians, such as Mr Orban. That is why so many of Europe’s rising authoritarians are also vociferously anti-EU. The worry is that they are gaining in influence — not just at home, but in Brussels.